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CNATRA P-201 - airplane Engines and structures (STUDENT consultant FOR PREFLIGHT UNIT 3).. unfastened LEAF UNBOUND version NO BINDER.

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I think that we can, on both ideological and existential levels. Unlike revolutionary movements that thrive on regime weakness and pose comprehensive alternatives to ruling arrangements, democracy movements often do not juxtapose new ideas about governance with those state actors espouse – a word I use in a strictly limited way. Often, authoritarian regimes advocate democratic principles but fail to act democratically: some present authoritarian rule as merely transitional, while others redefine democracy as (faux) consensus, (enforced) social harmony, or (alleged) equity while retaining authoritarian practices.

Questions about how state and movement interactions shape modes of contention and contestant power should be more central to the analysis. 30 Similarly, Beissinger’s analysis of the Soviet Union’s collapse describes both how state repression shaped and marginalized nationalism in long ‘‘quiet’’ phases, and how ‘‘noisy,’’ active nationalist mobilization transformed collective identities and strategies – and ultimately the state. ’’31 The reverse, of course, is also true, particularly when regimes begin with periods of noisy repression: patterns of repression and resistance both provide an essential context for interpreting what political contention, ultimately, will mean.

White 1989. Strategic interactions 27 expressions – and this opens a new range of questions. How do patterns of repression influence the resources and plans available to activists and claim-makers? What imprints do different repressive forms leave on social movements? Given actual and expected patterns of state repression, can we begin to develop more nuanced concepts of political opportunity that is contingent on repression-shaped notions of possible movement strategy? 41 Such questions divide into three categories that together constitute the remaining three principles of analysis.

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