By David Ryan, Patrick Kiely
This edited quantity presents an summary on US involvement in Iraq from the 1958 Iraqi coup to the present-day, providing a deeper context to the present clash.
Using more than a few leading edge tips on how to interrogate US overseas coverage, ideology and tradition, the ebook offers a vast set of reflections on prior, current and destiny implications of US-Iraqi family members, and particularly the strategic implications for US policy-making. In doing so, it examines numerous key points of courting corresponding to: the 1958 Iraqi Revolution; the influence of the 1967 Arab-Israeli warfare; the effect of the Nixon Doctrine at the local stability of strength; US makes an attempt at rapprochement in the course of the Eighties; the 1990-91 Gulf conflict; and, ultimately, sanctions and inspections. research of the modern Iraq difficulty units US plans opposed to the ‘reality’ they confronted within the state, and explores either makes an attempt to carry protection to Iraq, and the consequences of failure.
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Additional info for America and Iraq: Policy-making, Intervention and Regional Politics since 1958 (Contemporary Security Studies)
The Eisenhower administration now confronted a difficult choice: support Nasser’s campaign against Qasim and risk seeing Iraq engulfed into an enlarged UAR, or continue to maneuver against Nasser and risk seeing a communist takeover of Iraq. A clear consensus emerged in the administration. Far better to see Nasser in control of Iraq than the Soviet Union. Although the British, Israelis, Turks, and pro-Western Arab elite recoiled at the idea of encouraging Nasser’s regional ambitions, the United States nevertheless reappraised its policy toward the Arab leader.
He pushed ‘Arif into a marginal government post, then had him arrested. Others who supported union with the UAR or collaboration with Nasser were demoted or imprisoned. Nasser took this assault on his closest supporters in Iraq as a grave challenge. 25 The fallout from the Qasim–Nasser split had two significant consequences. In the first place, Qasim became more closely tied to the Iraqi Communist Party. His moves against ‘Arif and the pan-Arabist faction in the army may have eliminated rivals for power, but they also cut him off from a significant base of potential support.
Moreover, if nationalist elements tried and failed to assassinate Qasim, he might move even further into the communist camp. 87 For these and other reasons the State Department had doggedly opposed both overt and covert attempts at regime change since the July revolution. ’88 The force with which State Department officials made their arguments was one indication of how the department was swimming against 24 K. Osgood the tide. The rest of the national security bureaucracy clamored for action. Bureaucratic tensions were high.