By S. McEvoy-Levy
The publication examines a serious time and position in fresh international historical past (the finish of the chilly warfare) and the innovations and values hired within the public international relations of the Bush and Clinton Administrations to construct household and overseas consensus. It offers perception into the makes use of of Presidential energy and gives a version and a demonstration of ways the function of rhetoric can be used to check the overseas coverage of the USA.
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Additional info for American Exceptionalism and US Foreign Policy: Public Diplomacy at the End of the Cold War
Even among these critics of exceptionalist-driven foreign policy, and of the `myth' of exceptionalism, there was the conviction that the United States was uniquely situated, even destined, to be a force for change and the amelioration of the suffering of foreign peoples. Indeed, their displeasure stemmed from their disappointment in this regard. This original contradiction or tension of exceptionalism, the tension between its promotion of freedom and tolerance and its universalizing, homogenizing qualities, was exemplified in the rhetoric of John F.
120 Very quickly the triumph had lost its novelty, as the President of the Atlantic Council in Washington put it later: `The end of the Cold War produced disorder. '121 Opinion polls suggested that a division between optimism and pessimism existed among the general public. ' between November 1989 and April 1990, with the majority, consistently around 55 per cent, saying `no'. However, between April and October 1990 there was a gradual (R)evolution of an Idea 41 but persistent rise in consensus that the East±West relationship was irreversibly changed.
These themes were not window-dressing; they defined presidencies and to a significant extent created these Administrations' historical legacies. From the moment of their utterance they became publicly accessible, official documents of the Administration's posture and policies. Efforts to `spin' ill-received pronouncements or diplomatic faux-pas also became part of the historical record, as Bush's `chicken Kiev' speech and Brent Scowcroft's retraction demonstrated (see Chapter 4). The dynamic mutual shaping relationship between rhetoric and cultural practice or organization also helps explain the finding of this study that the place of `American exceptionalism' in the US foreign policy process is as a value-strategy syncretization with broad community-building functions.