By J. Davidson
Why do Britain, France, and Italy supply or refuse army aid for U.S.-led makes use of of strength? This ebook offers a different, multiple-case research research of transatlantic burden-sharing. Sixty unique interviews with best policymakers and analysts offer perception into allies' judgements in regards to the Kosovo conflict (1999), Afghanistan (2001), and the Iraq conflict (2003). The instances exhibit that neoclassical realist factors--alliance worth, possibility, status, and electoral politics--explain allies' judgements higher than constructivist factors--identity and norms. The ebook in brief covers extra situations (Vietnam, Lebanon, the Persian Gulf struggle, Somalia) and concludes with concepts for expanding destiny allied army help.
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Additional resources for America's Allies and War: Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Iraq
I classify factors as tied to the outcome by strong evidence (SE) when multiple policymaker and analyst statements, including interviews, suggest the factor was among the most important factors in explaining the outcome. For the factors I classify as ED and SE, I also note whether convincing rebuttal points cast doubt on the causal impact of the factor. Finally, I assess the causal weight of the two explanations for each case by noting the strongest individual factor for each explanation, noting any rebuttal points to that factor and any OD predictions the explanation made in that case.
S. intervention in Vietnam would lead to expanded conflict and greater regional instability. 49 Some evidence suggests that prestige played a role in France’s Vietnam policy. 51 It seems most likely that prestige tells us why de Gaulle publicly criticized America’s Vietnam policy (v. why de Gaulle refused military support). ”53 The French public opposed providing military support but there is no evidence that electoral politics drove de Gaulle’s decision. 54 It is likely that a higher percentage would have opposed a French contribution.
In August 1982 the United States, France, and Italy contributed troops to make up the MNF, which sought to facilitate the PLO’s evacuation from Beirut. Upon accomplishing its task, the MNF withdrew and dissolved itself. Shortly thereafter, Christian Falangist (and pro-Israel) President Bashir Gemayel was assassinated. From September 16 to 18, Israeli forces stood by as Falange militias massacred Palestinian civilians in the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps. In the wake of the massacre the United States, France, and Italy agreed to Lebanese government requests to create MNF II.